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WHO IS tC E ? 



HORACE ROSINANTE GREELSY, 

COMMANDKR IN CHIEF OF THE ARMY AND NAVY OF THE UNITtD 

STATES. KY VIRTUE OF HIS OFFICE AS PRESIDENT— 

IF SO BE'S IT. 



•'Let the Military retire to their own sphere— or ring—as ;. miii; ^ 
education unfits them for the office of Commander-in-Chief of the \iuiv f 
and Navy."' 

The above cut represents a true model of what a President siu.Mkl be i 
in his mihtnry caf<icity, according to Cassius M. Clay. (See M>. Clays « 
Letter, on page 33. 



1 

CONTE¥TS. 



r 



Cassias M Clay's letter criticised and torn to tatters; to very rags. See dates, 
the time he took to write it, and 1)'\' whom requested to' do so. Besides it 
was endorsed by Mr. Dana, and all of that party before being published. 
Letter on pages 33, 34 and 35 ; criticism on pages 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41 
and 42. 

Senator Schurz's vagaries served up in a style, to him, not very palatable. 
See pages 45, 46 and 47. 

Formal social and business introductions, anal\zctl in a cut representing 
Grant, Dexter, Greeley and Bonner, page 3. 

Horace Rosinante Greeley, a representation of how he would appear as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, without a military education, a 
non-requisite, according to Cassius M. Clay. See page i. 

The New Departure, or a visit from the late Hon. Vallandigham to Chief 
Justice Chase, with his etherial views. Sec page 7. 

Union Bridge, (the bond between North and South, the line Dixie,) blown 
up by the first gun fired at Fort Sumpter. See page 9. 

Union Bridge partly repaired, seeking for a Keystone. All Generals pre- 
ceding Grant were defective, as seen in the cut on page 8. 

The Orange Riot. See cut of Hall, Kelso, Hoffman, Grant.' McDowell and 
a State and Government Detective. Page 12. 

State Detective reporting what he saw and heard, to Hoftrnan, Kelso and 
Hall. Page 13. 

The Great Union Prayer Meeting of 18.64, and X'lsion ot Lincoln, when the 
Federal victories were few and far between. The author heard several of 
the prayers nearly verbatim. Pages 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21. 

Bridge completed by Keystone Grant being substituted for that of Wash- 
ington destroyed by the war. Great i-ejoicing o\er peace. Page 22. 

Beecher, Frothingham and Greeley, witnessing the ascension of two spirits 
lovingly arising from the bodies of tv.o dying warriors, a fit emblem of 
their faith. Page 23. 

Great Speech of the Rev. Zaccheus Mosesprudcnce, a side-splitting l)ur- 
lesque of sectarianism. Pages 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 and 30. 

The Rev. gentlenian's vio\!S on the improvements going on at Washington, 
the Capitol of the Nation. 

King Horace on the Throne, with Cassius M. Clay as .Secretary of State 
Sumner as Secretary of War, and Schurz as ^Minister to Hayti. Page 43. 







"WHO IS HE? 



HORACE ROSIN ANTE GREELEY, 

COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE ARMY AND NAVY OF THE UNITED 

STATES, BY VIRTUE OF HIS OFFICE AS PRESIDENT — 

IF SO BE'S IT I 



** Let the Military retire to their own sphere — or ring — as a military 
education unfits them for the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Army 
and Navy." 

The above cut represents a true model of what a President should be 
in his military capacity, according to Cassias M. Clay. (See Mr. Clays 
Letter^ on page ^^. 



n^ 



•• > 




FORMAL INTRODUCTIONS DEFINED. 




Greeley, Bonner, Grant and Dexter. 

Grant reaching his hand to Bonner, says, " How is Dexter ?" 

Greeley in the corner, in a low hissing voice, mutters, " Horse jockeys." 

Grant overhearing, playfully remarks, "Merely a road acquaintance, 

Mr. Greeley." Then placing his hand caressingly on Dextcr's shoulder, 

continues : " Much better the acquaintance of a noble horse than that of a 

boorish owner, or a vascillating statesman. " 

Bonner, aside, to Greeley, says : — " Fool ! riding after Dexter does not 
make him a horse jockey, and what other act has he ever done, that should 
constitute him one ? Surely you could raise a more plausible excuse for 
opposing him than that. I pretend to oppose him on account of the 
odious Income Tax, when my real reason is, that be has not called on me, 
nor driven with me since he became President, as the slightest recognition 



4 GREELEY, BONNER, GRANT AND DEXTER. 

received from him, I have always turned to my advantage, by advertising it 
in the Ledger. Your shallow excuse of " horse jockey ;" Sumner's accusa- 
tion, calling him " Leader of the Ku-klux;" Schurz dubbing him " present- 
taker," and Clay's trying to make him appear as " incompetent through a 
military education," are all too frivolous to mislead the people. You must 
hatch up something better than that." 

Grant, overhearing the conversation, exclaims: — "Is it possible that 
these men have not yet out-grown, with their increased wealth, their cunning 
" tricks of trade?" Such conspiracies are seldom successful. Meanness of 
heart rarely remains long concealed, and invariably dwarfs a man's whole 
life. 



TERRIFIC DUEL. 




United States Grant and Horace Rosinante Greeley meet on 
horseback, and fight with sabres. Cause of the fight, a 
remark made by Rosinante Greeley to the Hon. Long John 
Wentworth. 

Greeley says : " O, my head ! I'm hurt !" 

Grant laughingly asks : " Are they both cabbage heads ?" 

With a great effort "Rosinante" (the horse, not Greeley) has pre- 
vented himself from falling entirely, by one knee and his nose coming in 
contact with the ground, righted himself ; then Horace Rosinante Greeley, 
the great, the indomitable, delivering up his long drawn sabre to Grant, 
and presenting the pitiful picture of what should not be a President, to rule a 
warlike people, whined out, in a pleading, deprecatory tone ; " You should 



6 THE DUEL. 

not have taken it so hard, Mr. President. You have nearly killed me. I 
have always been accustomed to calling people liars, swindlers, thieves, 
robbers, horse-jockeys, or anything I pleased, especially if they stood in the 
way of my ambition, and besides, it is one of the privileges of the Press, 
(I refer you to Dana's Sun, because you would not give him the position of 
Minister to Belgium,) and you should take no offence. Anything; an editor 
says is no libel ! " 1 know how 'tis myself," as Tweed says. Let us have 
peace. 

Grant, astonished, remarks philosophically: "What a confession ! 1 
Counterfeit Christianity and spurious philanthropy are easily exposed," 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 




Vallandigham atid Chase in consultation over the New De- 
parture. Figure of Vallandigham extends his hand and 
says, " Come and see" Chase much surprised. Vallandig- 
ham lifts the veil. Chase more astonished, exclaims,'' What, 
Grant f " 

Vallandigham. ^Nqs, he is far-seeing. 

Chase. — Yes, indeed, all of two years ahead of us ! 

Val. — Who would have thought it. 

Chase. — The game is up, his statesmanship is equal to his generalship. 



8 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 



ya^, — Yes, in this vale, (to which you will shortly be removed permar 
nently), we can see things more clearly. Grant, Democrat though he was, 
had more love for country than for party, hence his departure in this 
direction. 

Chase. — But from what source did he get his knowledge? 

Val. — Rather ask from what source did he get his wisdom ? 

Chase. — Wisdom, did you say ? Can he be wise and not have been 
more successful in his early career ? 

Val. — Yes, he was wise, yet he was not adapted either to the locaUty, 
the business he pursued as a civilian, nor to the rank he held as an army 
officer. Men are like crude rocks, either rough, large and strong like boul- 
ders, or smooth and small, as in ledges. The neatest, and those almost 
adapted by nature in shape, are often rejected, through lack in material and 
size. Grant had both the quality and quantity. 




Chase. — I do not understand your figure relative to the rocks. 

Val. — Well, you see, at the time of our civil struggle, the keystone and 
arch of our Union Bridge that spanned the line of Dixie, was blown to atoms 
by the first gun fired at Fort Sumpter. 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 




Chase. — Yes, I well understand that, and I fear that both you and I did 
our part in furnishing the combustible material. 

Val. — True : we, statesmen and orators, authors and philanthropists, 
must shoulder the responsibility of the war. 

Chase. — Yes, and a heavy responsibility it is too ; we had worked things 
up to a deplorable state, before Providence sent Grant to our aid. 

Val. — Well, at that time, I did not know what was best to do. I 
thought all I did and said was for the best, but others thought differently. 
Mr. Lincoln banished me for my peculiar ideas, and Grant, the warrior-hero 
and man of peace, in his wisdom, stayed the hand that would have again 
arraigned me. 

Chase. — At a time too, when it would have added fuel to the fire, from 
a more northward source. 

Val. — My returning, in defiance of the authority that banished me, had 
I been arrested, was intended as a signal for a general uprising of my 
friends. 

Chase. — Are we indebted to him for that, too ? 

Val. — Yes, he wisely said : " One thing at a time." 

Chase. — vWell, what course should we now pursue. 
B 



lO THE NEW DEPARTURE. 

ya/, Take things, and use them, as we find them. You have endorsed 

the *' New Departure," from the extreme RcpubUcan ranks, by your pres- 
ence here ; and I, as the leader of the " New Departure," from the Demo- 
cratic party ; each of us beUeving himself the original mover in this matter. 
Behold, here we are, confronted with Grant, fully two years our senior in this 
matter. 

Chase. — Well, how shall I act on my return to my party? 

Yal. — Do as I should, had I the power. Influence friends to do as they 
should, and as I would have done, had I known then what I know now. 
Re-elect Grant by acclamation. 

Chase. — What ! and sacrifice my own prospects? 

Val. — There can be no sacrifice of that which you are not in possession 
of. Grant is too deeply in the hearts of the people, like unto Washington. 
They cannot prove ungrateful. He came to their rescue, in answer to mil- 
lions of prayers ; will the people not redeem their vows to Heaven? None 
but an instrument in the hands of God could change so suddenly from the 
man of blood and war to the man of peace. 

Chase. — You concede every thing to Grant. 

Val. — Only since mine eyes have been opened ; as we before said, we, 
statesmen, &c., threw the Union into the throes of dissolution. 

Chase. — True. Witness the scenes at the time of our darkest struggle, 
when disaster after disaster brought lamentation and mourning to our house- 
holds ; men fleeing from their homes for fear of the draft, and those who 
could afford it seeking substitutes ; when the various churches were filled with 
the most devout people, unitedly asking Providence for a Deliverer ; at that 
time, I too thought the debt of gratitude we owed to Grant as our Deliverer, 
through God, could never be repaid. How frail we are when incited by 
ambition. 

Val. — Then you acknowledge that statesmen, &c., were responsible for 
the war, with all its attendant evils, while we were indebted to Grant for 
bringing order out of chaos, uniting the country, &c. 

Chase. — Yes ! the fact is too apparent to be denied. 

Val. — In the past, he has shown his Generalship, let us now examine 
bis record as a Statesman, and see how it compares with those of other 
statesmen, who officiated as warriors. Grant, as a warrior, was successtul 
in everything. The statesmen — either as statesmen or warriors — were suc- 
cessful in nothing, until aided by Grant, except in saddling the country with 
a national debt. 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. II 

Chase. — How clearly you see things now. 

Val. — Yes, Sumner's past experience did not profit him much. As 
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, in his report or speecn, 
he demanded the British North American possessions, in lieu of the 
Alabama claims, or take them by force, which was unwise ; as it raised 
the price of gold from its lowest standard since the war, to its present value , 
besides, placing the country in the humiliating position of waiting for an 
opportunity ; which is, until England should be engaged in war with some 
other power. 

Chase. — I did not see it in that light. 

Val. — Contrast his statesmanship with that of Grant. Grant settles it 
honorably and peaceably, through the High Commission. 

Chase. — You are of the opinion then, that the Democracy should, at 
the late election, have claimed Grant as a War Democrat. 

Val. — Yes! but the Republican party seized him, as a drowning man 
would grasp an oar, raft or board. They could not have elected any extreme 
man of their party, not even a man as moderate as you are. 

Chase. — Do you really think so ? 

Val. — Yes ! you would have had a much better chance then, had you 
been selected, than you would now ; because, you could have brought many 
of the moderate men, and some of the very extreme ones, from the Republi- 
can party. 

Chase. — From what grounds do you reason thus. 

Fa/.— Well, Grant was then untried and unpledged. His career since, 
naught can be said against. The charges brought against him are of so 
trivial a character, that no one, with ordinary intelligence, believes them ; 
besides, your late illness and your advanced age,* would be much against 
your election ; and our experience in Vice Presidents in case of the Presi- 
dent's demise, has not been of the most satisfactory kind. 

Chase. — What of Greeley ? 

Val. — He would not have the shadow of a chance. Neither is his 
natural ability, nor his knowledge of international law, equal to the dignity 
of the position. Locality and strong language, do much in helping men to 
prominent positions. Take from him the power of the Press and the privi- 
leges it secures to him, and he would be but an ordinary man. The lan- 
guage he makes use of, in the Press, would not go long unpunished in ?\ 

* The near approach of wings to his body in the cut, denote the state of his hoalih. 



12 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 



country village. Neither would his theory, if put by him in practice, enable 

him to excel on a Western farm. 

Chase. — What of Hoffman. 

Val. — No chance ! His intriguing with Hall and Kelso over the 
Orange riot in New York, would, before the campaign was ended, become 
patent to all. 

Chase. — Are the secret ways of men revealed to you? 

Yal. — Not generally. I was permitted to meet you, as Grant is stUl in 
special favor here with us. 

Chase. — Well, what of Hoifman ? 

Val. — Hoffman was a party to the first arrangement with Hall and 
Kelso. McDowell was put in possession of the secret by a Government 
Detective, and secretly ordered the Division of United States Troops under 




his control, to be in readiness to sustain the law, besides notifying the 
Orangemen of such preparation in encouraging them to carry out their 
intentions. 

Chase. — By what means did Hoffman become aware of this ? 

Val. — Through a State Detective he learned that McDowell had 
reported to Grant, and anything rather than the application of the Ku-klux 
law in New York ; hence the necessity of canceling Kelso's order. 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 



13 




CAase.—WeW, really, this Ku-klux law has been made a singular 
instrument of 

ya/. — Yes ! while Sumner and Schurz decry the President as the leader 
of the Ku-klux, the opposite party charge him with being the originator, 
maker and executor, of that law. 

CAase. — Strange logic ! that a man would create a law, and punish 
himself with it I 

j/a/. — ^Well, yes I the means resorted to at election times, are becoming 
ruinous to our people. The injury to religion by the perversion of truth; 
the blood spilled ; the lives lost, and worse than all, the sacrifice of honor, 
establishing a false standard for the guidance of the youth of the country, 
insomuch that they are incapable of judging between an election fraud and 
a financial one, until it becomes a question, under these circumstances, 
whether our liberal franchise is a benefit or not. 

CAase. — Then am I to understand, that it was Grant, who indirectly 
sustained the laws in New York ? 

yal. — Yes ! had it not been for the power conferred on the Federal 
government, by the law known as the Ku-klux, Kelso's order would not 
have been canceled ; an order which deprived the people of their liberty, 
and Americans of their prerogative, on that day. 



^14 THE NEW DEPARTURE. 

Chase. — ^You believe, then, that our franchise is too liberal? 

Val. — I will not say that, but there is too large a margin for fraud in 
. our naturalization laws. Through them, we are little better off than those 
countries where a property qualification is required. 

Chase. — You astonish me I 

Val. — We have every year nearly as many ignorant persons prema- 
turely naturalized, as there are persons deprived of the franchise in other 
countries, through the necessary qualifications, according to their laws ; be- 
sides, the number of our best citizens, who refuse to vote, having become 
disgusted with the whole arrangement, are equal in the aggregate to those 
of the disfranchised in other countries, which is a serious grievance here, 
much more so than theirs, when we contrast the amount of intelligence lost 
to this country, with the ignorance of those above-mentioned, who, through 
brute force monopolize the management, politically, of this country. 

Chase. — What shall we do ? 

Val. — Elect Grant by acclamation. The country will then have the 
benefit of the best and most liberal men, and new parties, instead of factions, 
will take the place of those almost defunct ones. 

Chase. — Should there be no Democratic Convention then? 

Val. — If there should be one, the prospect of success is not as good as 
it was at the last presidential election. 

Chase. — Strange conclusion ! 

Val. — Whom could you elect? Not Greeley, and while he has no ob- 
jection to Grant, further than he is opposed to a second term, which is in 
contradistinction to Cassius M. Clay's theory of preparation, when speaking 
of statesmanship and the civil service. 

Chase. — Well what of Hancock ? 

Val. — Cassius M. Clay would oppose him, for the same reason that he 
does Grant ; his military education. We believe him through this, to be 
honorable, but as a warrior or statesman, more fit to practice than to plan. 

Chase. — What of Hoffman? 

Val. — We've had enough of New York. See the following from Brick 
Pomeroy, and reflect upon the growth of the "New Departure" in him, 
either through instinct or otherwise. 

Chase. — What do you say as to my chance for the presidency? 

Val. — Your prospects are not as good as they were. Lend, therefore, 
your efforts in aiding the new parties, as I would, were I situated as you are. 



THE NEW DEPARTURE. 1 5 

But my time has already expired. Farewell. Weigh well this conversation, 
and as we join hands, so may the wisdom of the country be united and ex- 
erted for the general good of all. Amen. 

RED-HOT SHOT FROM A DEMOCRATIC GUN. 

"Brick" Pomeroy owns two Democratic papers, and is an ultra Demo, 
crat. He lives in New York, and has had ample opportunity to know some- 
thing of the rottenness of his party, and here is his testimony. He says : 

If the head sachems of Tammany can manage to secure the nomination 
of "their man " for the Presidency, and then see him elected, there will be 
inaugurated the grandest administration of theft, corruption, and profligacy, 
extravagance and crime, this country ever witnessed. 

The "ring" of swindlers now holding treacherous power in New York city 
under the name of Democracy are doing more to weaken the cause of De- 
mocracy in this country at large than the entire vote of the city can atone 
for. 

This is Tammany ! 

This is so-called Democratic authority governing New York ! 

This is the devil's combination of thieves now ruling New York city, 
not for the good of the many, but for the enrichment of the few. 

This is the monopoly of the corruptionists now proposing to buy the 
nomination of the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency, that Wash- 
ington may be included — that some of the leading thieves of our New York 
officials may be transplanted to newer fields, but under the same manage- 
ment. 

It is for the Democracy of the country to look to this — to send to the 
national convention of 1872, men who dare to be honest to tax-payers and 
to principles, or there will be such a defeat and such a disruption and scat- 
tering of the Democracy as no power on earth will ever rally. 

Honest men will not always endorse corruption. 

New York, the pig-pen of Tammany, may submit to what its people 
have not pluck enough to help, but the Democracy of the country will not 
submit to such dictation. 

Look at New York ! 

One hundred and one millions of dollars in debt! 

And what have the people to show for it ? 

A steam yacht 1 



l6 THE NEW DEPARTURE. 

An American club-house ! 

A race-track! 

A Supreme Court owned by the Erie railway, with Hon. George Barnard 
for toll-keeper ! 

A palace for lying, slippery, Dick Connolly, the comptroller, who went 
into office so poor that he could not qualify in $ i ,000 — who is now a mil- 
lionaire ! 

A fortune of $10,000,000 for Peter Bismark Sweeney, who was a poor 
man when first appointed city chamberlain. 

A palace for Hon. William M. Tweed, the likeliest man in the lot, who 
has only made $25,000,000 out of the city by honesty and economy in ten 
years. 

A fortune of $7,000,000 for A. Oakey Hall, the popinjay mayor, who 
squawks when his masters pull the strings, and pockets his per centage of 
th*^ blunder while angling for the nomination for Governor. 

oix thousand harlots and 1,900 dens of infamy, supported directlyfrom 
city stealings. 

These are a few of the exhibits for this enormous deot, which must be 
paid or repudiated. 

But this enormous plunder of one city is a mere drop compared to the 
gigantic robbery of the United States Treasury which would occur, if the 
Democrats should once more obtain control of the Government. 



UNION PRAYER MEETING. 



VISION OF LINCOLN. 




BAPTIST PRAYER. 

O Lord God, Thou that sitteth in the Heavens, andruleth and governeth 
the Earth, look in pity upon us in our deep distress. Thou knowest all 
things. Has there not been enough blood shed to atone for our national 
sins? Spare us, O Lord, and send us a Deliverer who will destroy the 
machinations of those wicked men, who are striving to overthrow the best 
government the sun ever shone upon. 

PRESBYTERIAN PRAYER. 

We beseech Thee, O Lord, to suy Thy hand- We know that Thoa 
C 



l8 THE VISION OF LINCOLN. 

hast afflicted us, only for our good. Thy ways are mysterious and Thy 
designs impenetrable to mortal vision. The inscrutable workings of Thy 
Providence conceived, and Thy wisdom ordained, this fratricidal war before 
the creation of the world. Look with favor on this union of christian 
brethren, pleading with Thee in our great distress, to send us a Deliverer. 
Cease Thy displeasure and save us from our enemies. 

METHODIST PRAYER. 

O Lord our Heavenly Father, look in pity upon us in our deep distress. 
Through our short-comings, and heart-wanderings, we have strayed from Thy 
paths, which were peace, into our present condition, and we are involved in 
this grievous civil war. While we do not hold Thee responsible, or look on 
it as an affliction of Thine, we beseech Thee to aid us by Thy counsel, so 
that we may be extricated from the hands of our enemies who are pressing 
us sorely. Aid us in choosing a Deliverer who will direct us to the land 
of Peace. 

CATHOLIC PRAYER. 

Holy Mary, Mother of God, we entreat Thee to lay our petition before 
Jesus, Thy Son. He cannot refuse Thy request. Send us peace in this branch 
of Thy moral vineyard, so that his holiness, the Vicegerent and Successor 
of Jesus on earth, may not sufler through a portion of his revenue being 
detained for war purposes. 

While we acknowledge no governing power, fully, but Thee and Thy 
representative at Rome, we lament that through the regulations called the 
•'draft," our brethren, the Catholic children, are often arrayed against each 
other. We implore Thee to so adjust the war, that it will tend to Thy 
glory and to the benefit of our church to the exclusion of all others ; we 
therefore pray for a Deliverer. 

EPISCOPAL PRAYER. 

O Lord, the Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son, we 
beseech Thee to hear the words of our bleeding nation. We have sinned, 
and richly deserve Thy displeasure. 

Like Thy favored people, the Jews, we have become fat and wanton 
under Thy fostering care. We lament our sins, because they are not only 
ruinous and defiling to our souls, but offensive to Thee. We submit to Thy 
will, but would humbly ask Thee, as did David of old, to restore us to Thy 



THE VISION OF LINCOLN. I9 

favor, by giving to us a Deliverer who will correct our erring brethren, and 
bring them back to their places in the Union. In doing this, we implore 
Thee to deal mercifully with us, as a whole nation. 

GREELEY'S SUPPLICATION. 

O Lord, in Thy great compassion and love for our fallen race. Thou 
hast given Thine only Son, Jesus, to die, and in so doing, hast redeemed 
us from the effects of all sin. 

And as Thy love and mercy counterbalance Thy justice, we feel thative 
have faith mfree love, especially that which embraces all in this world, and 
the world to come ; and though the harvest is ripe, we would ask Thee 
to withdraw the reaper, for while it is a happy change to the warrior who 
gains Heaven through the loss of his blood, we, who remain, have no recom- 
pense for the tears that are shed at the parting, nor the treasure that is 
wasted by the strife. 

Be pleased O Lord, to reign over us in love instead of strife, and to 
this end, send us a Leader, a Deliverer, who is able to cope with our ene- 
mies, and prevent further destruction of property, which is ruinous in taxes, 
according to my ideas of revenue, and "what I know about farming." O 
Lord God henceforth let us have none other General but Thee, lest he be as- 
piring to the Presidency. Let the implements of war be turned into those o* 
agriculture, and let the armies disband, and every soldier go out West as 
far as Texas, and go to farming. 

Yours, , 

Editorially. 

the quaker's prayer. 

The spirit movds me, to ask the Lord, our Heavenly Father, to put a 
stop to this fratricidal struggle. The spirit of evil is loose in the land, and 
great is the destruction of life and property. We know it is not Thy will, 
because Thy coming and Thy Kingdom promised peace. While christians 
must not strive. Thy injunction being to turn the other cheek and pattern 
after Thee, wherefore, to the well-grounded christian Thou can'st not be a 
God of war, and therefore not its author, yet we believe Thou permittest 
things that Thou dost not will. 

We, then, humbly ask Thee, as far as is consistent with Thy mode of 
governing, to send peace to this distracted nation. The days are dark and 
gloomy ; send us a Deliverer who will restore order, and aid in establishing 



20 THE VISION OF LINCOLN. 

equity throughout the whole world. . Let the sword be turned into the 
ploughshare and those not doing well in crowded cities, be enabled to earn 
peaceful homes. 

THE HEBREW PRAYER. 

Jehovah ! We, Thy once favored people, deplore our disobedience. 
Ingratitude for our deliverance from Egyptian bondage caused us to reject 
Thee as our personal King, and substitute a mortal being. Thus having 
rejected Thy special presence, we ran into many errors, until we justly 
brought Thy wrath upon us, ^i^nough fore.v^rned) which has scattered us, 
once a strong nation, throughout all the countries of the earth, but not 
without further promises, when obedient to Thy will. Our eyes becoming 
blind through avarice and lust, and our hearts hardened against Thee be- 
cause of these passions, we understood neither the time of His coming, 
nor the manner of His appearing ; hence, the hissing persecution, and the 
by-word, " Jew." 

We acknowledge Thy justice in preserving order, by sustaining Thy 
law. Our fears are growing on us that Jesus, the crucified, was the 
promised Messiah, from the fact that His followers grant to us more favors 
chan we, as a religious body, were willing to bestow on others, and we only 
refrain from Christianity from the fact, that as individuals, we compare 
favorably with them in morals, benevolence, and as law abiding citizens. We 
would fain beseech Thee, to help this people in adjusting their troubles; 
cheyi have dealt kindly with us, so much so, that few would leave this 
country for the land of Canaan, were the promises fulfilled, and the land of 
our forefathers restored , unto us. We still love Thee and worship in our 
synagogue the monuments of our faith, though we do not serve Thee as 
christians interpret Thy law. We would be almost as ungrateful to them 
as we have proven ourselves to Thee, did we not implore Thee to send 
this people a Joshua who would lead their armies to victory, and interpret 
to them the true relation between master and servant. 

Thy once favored people are engaged in the struggle on both sides. 
In Thy tender compassion send us a Deliverer who will give peace, and 
cleanse all the avenues of revenue, administer the law, and have Thy name 
duly reverenced. 

PRAYER OF THE INFIDEL. 

Is there a God ? 1 cannot understand Him. What a conglomeration 



THE VISION OF LINCOLN. 21 

of prayers and supplications, all tending to the one thing, in the success of 
which, I would be equally benefited. My children, relatives and friends, 
are all engaged in the conflict. I love my country, and will freely sacrifice 
my property for its maintenance. I have philosophized on religion, but can- 
not understand it, yet, I have a common interest with these people, and 
feel inclined to Loin with them in supplicating, what to me remains, the uu- 
known God. 

Lord God, if there is any God, hear the mingled or hashey prayers 
of this people for a Deliverer, if it is in keeping with Thy will to do so, 
and have pity on my childrens' relatives, and particular friends' souls who 
are engaged in the conflict, if they have any souls, and draw on me at 
sight 

Yours respectfully. 

PRAYER AND VISION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

1 am astounded and very strangel y affected. While I acknowledge God, 
I do not understand Him. I confess that, heretofore, I have put more con- 
fidence in strong, dry powder, and good, hard lead, with the most approved 
guns, than I have in Providential aid. How singularly do these petitions 
mingle. I too, now feel drawn to unite in them, and implore God for a De- 
liverer, 

O Lord God, in our deep distress, send us a General somewhat like 
Jackson, who is capable of controlling the elements of discord caused by 
jealousy among our Generals and Statesmen, and who is able to unite and 
lead to victory our armies, whose magnitude has become a burden to itself. 
We beseech Thee to take no offense at the manner in which we poor mortals, 
driven almost to despair, approach Thee, but send us a Deliverer, and that 
right speedily 

VISION. 

Abraham Lincoln standing with eyes uplifted, saw and beheld a vision, 
and it was after this wise; — Through the dissolving mist, in a light clearer 
than mid-day, did he see the figure of Jackson with wings expanded, and 
in his hand was the Keystone of the great arch, and on it was pictured the 
face and the image of the hero of Shiloh, of Donaldson, and of Vicksburg. 

Then was Abraham Lincoln satisfied with the ways of the Lord, and 



22 



THE VISION OF LINCOLN. 



he spake in a loud voice and said : "We praise Thee, O God, for what our 
eyes have seen, for we know it is witn us now but a question of tune. 
Blessed be the name of the Lord, for he will send us a Deliverer, and his 
name is '' Ulyses," and it was so ; and all the people of the land rejoiced, 
and were exceedingly comforted. 




The Key-Stone Grant, substituted for that of Washington, de- 
stroyed by the war which united the North and South over 
the line of Dixie. 



THE VISION OF GREELEY. 







Two Angels — Seccsh and Union JShvi died, each fighting for 
his respective ideas of Liberty ; one for the Union, and the 
other for the " lost cause" 
Exhausted from the loss of blood that ebbs away with their dying 
breath, their hands still grasping the murderous weapons, their features 
distorted with the mad passion of the hellish struggle which ceases only 
when the pulse ceases to beat ; when from the bodies of those antago- 
nists arise two happy spirits, lovingly united by the same grace which char- 
acterizes Horace— the faith of Frothingham and favor of Row Beecher. 

Horace, with an exalted expression of countenance, exclaimed raptur- 
ously on seeing them, " We thank thee, O Lord, for what our eyes behold 
in these two opposing warriors, now united angels; 'a belief my heart has 
long since acknowledged.' With Frothingham we thank thee, O Lord, for 
what these two angels have been to each other, and what they will be to 

each other " 

Beecher behind, pulling the skirt of his coat, says :— "Is there anything 
to be made out of this, as in the marriage of Richardson and Mrs. 
McFarland ?" 



ANNIVERSARY SPEECH 



OF THE 



REV. ZACCHEUS MOSESPR UDENCE. 




My Bredren: 

De ways ob de dransgressor be bruised up wid amnesties, 
fransenchises, and all manner of politic fustionzes, dat I hab no use fo'. 
They's no 'count any ways, they's done gone clean up. Dey is, Bress de 
Lord. 

My Brudders, I 'dress you now on de vagurations ob de 'ligions of de 
white folks — ah ! ! In sixty-fo' I done lef my chuch, an went to de big 
Union pra'rr meetin', done got up clare as day fo' de war. It ain't no tise 



26 SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE. 

a' talkin', 'dem are days, my bredren, war blacker dan enny of you' niggers.' 
skins, I'll be dog-goned ef dey was'nt. 

My Bredren: — De 'mancipation procker'mation was den out to de city 
ob Was'ington, a lyin' on a paper dar, you knows, but 'twan't no use dar, 
my bredren, kase why; de breff ob Fader Abram, and de tech of he pen, 
was'nt ob no manner o' 'count 'gin Gin'ral Lee an' Stonew.all Jackson — ah ! 
I tells ye bredrcu, dem aays was dark, when de telemgrams would come up 
dar 'among de white folks, a tellin' 'em 'bout anoder big battle. 

I jist 'members now, my bredren, how one day when de white folks 
waz a eatin ob dar dinner at de big Hotel, how when de telemgram come 
up dar, an tole 'em 'bout a big battle at Chambersbug, in Ole Wurginy, 
how dey groaned and hung down deir heads at de table, an some said, " de 
country is done gone up for shoa ; " Kase you see, 'long 'bout dem days, 
ebery battle was lost, an eberybody's chillen, an husbands, an faders, was in 
de war, somewhar, an may be, done killed entirely. (Stop yer kickin' dar, 
gal.) 

Den 'twas, my bredren, dat de white folks, made dat big pra'rr meet- 
in, which I's here for to tell you all 'bout. Dat was years ago, 'fore we 
cuUud gemmens, was ob no 'count. My bredren, den it was, dat de people 
ob de Union, prayed de Lord into ebery t'ing — ah ! 

De Presbyterians, made de Lord 'sponsible for ebery t'ing, sayin, 'twas 
doins ob His, long time 'go, an kase He, de Lord, 'sinuated de t'ing, it 
must be done, sartain, shoa. Dat ar, my bredren an 'spected yerers, am 
a mighty quare doctrine, — a God Amighty quare one. 

If t'ings am so to be, den my bredren I ax ye, in de name ob de good 
Lord, ef de preachin', an de prayin', an de screechin', an de groanin', am 
ob any 'count. Kase we cant change tings. Kase how in de debil can we 
take one soul from de debil, and Satan wid all his 'fluence and pow'a, and 
roarin' like de buU-jine, cant take one soul from de bredren. 

Joshua might as well hab died one day sooner, an made no promises, 
kase had de Hebrewsers had no charge ob deir doins, de roarrations, de 
speeches ye see war ob no 'count. 

Den Bredren you would have laughed, ah-hah, to hear de Baptist tell 
de Lord, all dat what he knowed all de time, — He said dem words : — " Hab 
dar not been blood 'nuff squeltered, to 'tone down for our national sins ? " 
he-he-ha-ha; — He jis wanted to make a bargain wid de Lord ; ha-ha, — dat 
am so. Guess de Lord too old to git cdtched dat way wid all him jockey 
ing 'bout " de best gov'ment de sun eber shun upon," — ah-ha! cant flat- 
ter de Lord dat way I'll be dog-goned ef dey can. 



SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE.. 2/ 

Den my Bredren, dare was ole Uncle Hor'se Greeley, de " Farmer, " 
wid his free-lub, and gin'ral salwation,— ah ! ha! dis wont do, bredren, 
kase ef crow-black kill milk-white, dey would begin an foller up de fight 
on de Oder side of Jordan ; kase ye know, my bredren, dat death cant take 
de place ob de blood ob Christ, an ye know dat cant be got, 'cept through 
the perditions ob de Gospel, ah » which am done got by faith, ah ! an sup- 
percation, ah ! an blood a runnin' like torrents from de side ob Jesus, ah ! 
an, an, an de debil knows what all, through our Saviour de blessed God 
Almighty Lord, ah ! yes, ah ! my bredren, ah ! glory, ah ! 

Next, my bredren, de 'Piscopal an de Mefodis was not bery on- 
reasonable, not much, ah ! ha! he ! he ! dey was'nt, I should t'ink not,— de 
difference wid dem am like de winter an de summer, one wants deir 'ligion 
cold as de burnin' iceberg, and de udder one wants it like de bilin' water 
from de skillet ah ! dats so. Dog my cat if it aint. 

Den my bredren, comes de Quaker to conserve a 'tickler 'ligion for you, 
my belobed bredren, ah ! ha ! he ! he ! some ob 'em wants de Gospel like 
de rushin' mighty win, or ob de sycoon or hysterical kind, like dat what 
made St. Pauljist drap down as a nigger draps a hot 'tater in a summer 
mornin' ah ! yes, bredren, but de Quaker wont hab any 'cept it comes down 
from heben through a gimlet hole, 'bout de size of a buzzards quill, jist 
weak lik;, a kiad of a still small woice like; kase beside, dey wont hab God 
in de war, an a christian am not to cheat, nor strive, nor repeat at de ballot 
box, as de white folks do, ah ! 

De poor Infidel, he prayed, an what did ^e say,— he say, dat " de 
blade ob grass, make hisself,— ./.z/ 'ligion, my bredren, am not de kind to 
Stan' war an death,—" O God, ef dar be any God," he prayed, "hab mercy 
on my soul ef I hab any soul." Reckon, he come from Connecticut, ah ! 
halhe! he! he goes for de chances sartain, sure, like all de Yankees. 

An den my bredren, dar was de Jew,— He's puzzled, I tells ye. He's 
jist ready to come right into de arms ob de chuch, he is ; he ! he ! bress de 
Lord, 'taint no sort o' use though, kase dem dratted Irish, cross hun. 
Bredren, you must set dese people abetter zample in 'ligion, ye see de Jew 
he would come into de ranks ob de Lord Jesus, kase he cant find he Messih. 
He done tired a lookin' fur him, almost wore he eyes out, tank de bressed 
Lord. He would come, but ye see, de Irish dey knock 'em ebery way. My 
bredren, dey call him de Christ killer; den de Jew say, " he was one ob us 
any way" an you worship him "who was a Jew ;" he say " he be God- man, 



2S SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE. 

but we worship God Jehovilah." Den my bredren, de Irish he jes go for 
him, lease deir 'ligion be mixed up wid fight. Den de Jew say " me no under- 
stand " de christian 'ligion mix fight wid lub, 'cept de Quaker. 'Ligion is 
done gone up bredren, if we dont change de Jew, lease he slaved us fust in 
Canaan, you know, an ^ey led us den, but my bredren, bress de Lord, we 
Jead 'em noiv, ah 1 Be good den, bredren, den de wool will grow upon de 
flock, in Christ Jesus, ah ! Ye see my bredren dat when de Irish meet at 
christenin's an funerals, an weddin's, dey fight, an de Jew don't see lub dat 
way, an so dont change his faith for dat of de bressed Lord, — an so ye 
see my bredren, de need ob our a workin' for de good ob de Lord Jesus, 
ah I 

Now feller citizens and bredren, dar was anudder prayer, — Mr. Linkim, 
Ae prayed, an de good Lord he jist showed him de Deliverer; an who do 
you tink it war? Fore de Lord an bress my soul, ef 'twarnt dat little feller 
Grant. Den Linkim he laughed an joked, and was hisself agin; true as 
death bredren ; an he called de gineral, masser Grant, to lead de armies ob 
de Potomac, — an den you know, wid Custer a hemmin' ob 'em in, dey 
bagged good ole Gin'l Lee, he ! he ! he! an gib peace to dis country an 
liberty to de slabe ; an now my bredren an collud feller citizens, let me tell 
you a little secret, — // was Grant hisself dat gib de slabe his freedom. 
Bress de Lord, Gin'l Freemount he done gin de fust prockerenation, but 
Linkim he jist knock dat in de head an gin anudder; but ye see 'twas de ne- 
cessity ob de ting, an not de nigger, kase he jist swopped away de nigger 
in de condition, kase he would let de Souf hab slabery an ebery ting else 
as it done had been befo' de war, if dey would jist lay down deir arms an hab 
slabery jis as it was; an dat aint all, let 'em have tree months time to t'ink 
it oyer an kill all dey could in de time, — an so ye see my bredren it was jist 
de Souf deir owseffs, or de Lord an Grant, dat gib us our freedom. Kase 
you see, de rebs did'nt 'cept ob dat ar preporsition, an so ye see my bred- 
ren, I want ye to be 'tickler now, jist here, an 'members what I tells you, dat 
slabery was Jist conquered wid de rest ob de fings, an Grant hisself wcls de 
conqueror. Now den, my bredren, it was eider de Lord an Grant, or it was 
Grant alone; kase ye see, Mr. Linkim an all de Gin'ls could'nt conquer Lee 
no ways. Now my bredren, ef it was de Lord, He made Grant His im- 
plement for to work wid, an ef it war Grant, wi'dout de Lord, he am de 
greatest man ; so my bredren, you must look upon him as de chosen ob de 
Lord, else he am de greater man, like de " goldsmith maid" horse, kase he 
beat all de udder Ginerals time, like de " maid" beat Dexter an dem udder 
horses. 

Now den bredren, dont do like de chillen ob Israel, who would'nt bab 



SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE. 29 

de Lord as King, but chose Saul in his place, ah I You may git some knave 
who is lookin' after ebery t'ing, and his fadders jack-ass besides, who's 
braying 'bout de country, how much he knows 'bout farmin'. My bredren, 
jist fotch him down yer to Alabama, an see what he kin do, an how much he 
knows' bout de cotton grub, an sugar. No my bredren, for de Lor's sake, 
dont be arter fotchin' sich a feller as dat, kase de whole country would run to 
pieces. Keep to Grant my bredren who is eider de choice ob de Lord, or kin 
go it alone, and den we shant bust up my bredren, like de Himbrews, but be 
a great people. And bredren, I'de neai done forgot dem are udder gemmen 
whats awanton Massa Grant's place ; Massa Chase, Sumner, Hoffman an a 
tousand an one udders dat keeps snifiiiin ober it. Bredren dont you 
mind em ; sartain »as de Lord dey aint no 'count, 'ceptin' to findin' 
fault, — kase you see Massa Chase is clar dDn gon, — daryou seed his wings in 
dat are cut, just a on fastenen thereselves out his shoulders ; kase he hurt his- 
self a twistin' on to dat ere new 'parture. Bredren let me tell you de man's 
too much twisted; de one foot a stuck in de grabe and toder shufflin arter. 
An Massa Sumner, bredren, afore de Lord, I dont tink him fit to rule — 
You member dem are dogs at the ole plantation, how dat are ole fat feller 
Tige used to growl an snarl ; he neber cotch or fotched nothin, but all'es 
snapped at Seaze and Nero, that used to do de work, and fotch up ebery ting. 
Just so widfadder Sumner, — he raal good to find fault, but him cannot got 
in. Let him alone bredren, let him lib his own ole bachalder life — he good 
man too, but too old and crochety. And den dar is udders. Tammany hab 
done for dem, bredren, dare ob no 'count, he ! he ! he I 

An now bredren, now dat I "hab tole you ob all dat I heerd at de great 
Union pra'rr meetin' an udder places, let me ax ye jist what you kin do, for 
yer countrymen, de niggers in Afriky ; bredren, deir sittiwation dar, is de 
sticker ob all ob us. You know bredren, dat de slabes has done did better 
by de change from deir own country to dis, kase ye see, dey has been 
slivilised, and am now woters, bress God, an dough dey had deir trials, dey 
is better. An now bredren, what is you willin' to do to help de ignorant 
nigger in Afriky; he is yer brudder if he is a fool bress de Lord, an I feels 
proud to 'fess it. 

Now ye're a dratted set o' niggers, I say, an aint fit to be free, an to heb 
de prilivedges ob wotin, ef ye cant comfusticate de perdition ob yer feller 
nigger in Afriky ; an I perpose, dat we change places wid him, 'til we git to 
be natral like him, or he gits to be great like us. 

An now Bredren, I'se gwine to tell you de strangest ting ye eber heerd ; 
listen ! I tank de bressed Lord for slabery 1 kase it brought me to dis great 



30 SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE. 

country. Dar aint no use a talkin' ; dem are free niggers down Norf, am 
as full ob de open world's wice, as de Irish. 'Taint no use denyin' it, dey 
hab deir gaming houses, an ebery ting^ jis like de low Irish. De good Irish, 
am berry good, — Ole massa use to say de rale ole Irish gemman, am de 
bcstest man in de whole world, — an it mus' be so, kase massa allers tell de 
truf, bress him soul. 

Bredren, slabery made all de change in us ; ef we had'nt been slabes, 
we'd a ben niggers still, — now bredren, we is woters bress de Lord. Why 
bredren, dere is jist as much difference 'tween de niggers in Afriky an us, an 
'tween Afriky an dis country, as dey is 'tween dis country an heben. And 
now bredren, dat you is free, ye must lam to lub de law, an not be like de 
dratted Irish; a fightin' all de time. Bredren, we is law makers, an bress 
de Lord, 'tis a great 'sponsibility ; an I want you to learn to wote right. 
Bredren, dar is de railroad mule team in de Norf, twelve or more ob em, 
all led by one boss ; an den you know de flock of geese, and de herds ob 
cattle, an hogs in de bush, all hab deir leader, but you my bredren, you is 
men, and you must know who is yer leader, an follow none but de right one. 
Bredren, de true spirit ob liberty, is de lub ob de law, when you done bend 
twist nor broke it, den you be free. Now ye see, when a flock ob sheep am 
a gwine along, dey all follow deir leader, as I said before, — but, mong de 
politichioners 'taint no use ob two or tree young ones a venturin out, kase 
dey'U get scotched sure, by de young Democracy, my bredren, or like Caleb \ 
an Joshua. Demar ten uder spies war Irish sure, kase ye see dey is as muehr^ 
like 'em as one nig is like anudder in de skin, ah ! ha ! Bredren, in de way dey 
all wote togedder what way de leader tole 'em, an like de Hebrew spies 
it war only de two out'en twelve dat hab a heap ob sense. Now bredren 
de white folks am wrong on dis yer question, dat de biggest number ob de 
white folks hab de most sense — dat aint so my bredren, kase dem dar two 
Hebrew spies, Joshua an Caleb knowed more dan ten million udder fellers 
like de ten spies. Kase bredren don't ye see its jist like dis yer. I knows 
more dan all on ye. I tell ye how to wote an how to do, — but 'taint no use 
a talkin' bredren, ye mus' know how yer ownseffs to do it afore ye can do 
it right ; kase why; a man cant make a watch nor nothin' 'tickler 'cept he 
learns how to do it ; an feller citizens de laws ob dis country dat is to take 
car ob us niggers am ob more 'portance an more 'tickler to make dan a 
watch am. An now bredren, sence ye is ignorant like yet, ob national law 
and state rights, or the national government and the capital, an has to hab a 
leader like de sheep in de flock, or de mule team I done tole ye 'bout, jist you 
pay 'tickler 'tention at what I'm g^vine for to say, kase I'se yer leader, I is. 

Bredren ye mus' keep yer eye upon de Keystone Grants dat was shown 



SPEECH OF MOSESPRUUENCE. 3 1 

to Fader Abram in de great Union pra'rr meetin'. Ye mus' dew it bredren, 
de Lord appeared agin through Gin'l Jackson in answer to de Himbrew pra'rr, 
an de nigger, my bredren, an de Jew am a gwine to stretch out their arm an 
fetch em 'long an do 'em good, for de honor ob de Lord, de salwation ob 
de Irish, an Tammany. Wid dis Grant " Keystone " an de ploughshare, 
an de drainin' an a filling ob de Tammany an all de rest you mus' learn 
too from dat wonderful book " dar busy life thar while Farmin'." 

My belobed Bredren when de train am ready an de bulgine a beatin' 
on de railroad for Heben, de New Jerusalem, hab yer ticket in yer pocket, 
but bredren wote for Grant afore ye go, kase he's de chosen ob be Lord." 
Don't follow Greely, nor dose udder leaders de like dem sheep. Now bredren 
I've made dese bobservations to day to lumerate yer minds, kase ye know 
ye mus' be tole how to go an how to wote, an den ye'U be fit to have an 
office in dis yer world an be toted straight to Heben when you is done dead 
an buried. Amen. Bress de Lord. — ah ! he ! he ! 

Now Bredren, I jis' wants to tell ye I'se gwine for to make a speech in 
de cose ob my lectures, and 'twill be 'pon de 'provements ob de Capitol 
at Washington, so as to hab it all ready for de great "Horse," Rosinante 
Greeley, as President King. 

You grumble dar 'bout dem ar workins at de Capitol ! Dare dey am, 
a rippity-tare, a puUin' up de sidewalks, an' a tarin' down de trees, an' a 
rippin' up de gutters, an' makin' ob sewers, and a widenin' de walks an' de 
streets, and a spilin' de canal, an' fotchin all de water out ob de Potomac, 
and ebery oder dibil ob a ting ; kase Marshal Brown and Banker Riggs am 
a tarin' ob deir har out all de time, kase, de sewers am a takin' away de 
night work from de Marshal, till he is mad; true as def, bredren, he is. 
ha! ha! he! he! he! 

Now, Bredren, dey did right when dey put a tax on de poperlation for 
makin' de Capitol shine; aha! he! he! Kase Washington City b'longs 
to ebery man an' woman in de country ; 'tis de greatest nation in dis wo'ld, 
an' dat's de reason why ebery body says, " I gib a dollar minese'f, to shine 
up de Capitol ob de nation, and to keep off de dratted smallpox and de 
cholerums an' de like ; " like de po'a people in London, de chambermaids, 
an' de butlers, an' de washerwomen, as giv deir fo' dollars apiece, to start 
de Great Eastern ship on de waters, kase de rich folks hadn't done did it; 
true as def dey did, kase dey wanted to see de big ship float on de ocean, 
bredren, dat am de reason we'uns wants to see dis Capitol de best in de whob 
world. 



» 

32 SPEECH OF MOSESPRUDENCE. 

De Congress tinks jes' like we'uns tinks; but deir cumstickuants don't 
see it, kase dcy don't come to de big city ob Washington ; kase if dey did, 
den de gal would say to her Sweetheart, an' de wife to de husband "we 
wont go to de ball, or de teatre, or de fair, but we save dat ar money for 
jis' one night, like dem ar' Lon'on peoples for de " Great Eastern." 
Bredren and feller critters, can't ye jes' gib up de froUickin' for one night in 
all eternity, to shine up de Capitol ob de Nation ? 

Den, dem ar hoss trainers or junkshuners, dey wants to put all dese 
yer 'provements 'side ; kase dey like Marshal Brown's way better'n carryin' 
it away in de sewers ; an' den dey wants to keep de 'fection in de way ob 
de senators and congressers. Reckon dey wants to quarantine de city, an' 
keep de furringrants and udder peoples out. When de Congressers come to 
Washington, dey sees all de 'provements, an, de strainin', an' de squeezin', 
an' de pressin' ob de people, as has got de property, to make tings nice for 
de people ob de whole nation, an' dey says, " de public works Board, an' de 
Governor, an' leetle, young Eddie Stanton, an' bredren, dat ar ole Masser 
Shepard, what's got his name on de big house dar on de Abenue, (true as 
de Lord, bredren, dat ar man sees 'way fur off in de years,) kase ye see, 
dem as own big property like he do, he knows de people ob de whole 
country wont see 'em squelched all to pieces, to 'prove de city ob Washing- 
ton for de whole country, an' he say, bredren, for de debt now made, be 
bonded for de future, for to be paid in ten or twenty years ; den, bredren, 
ye see de chillens, an' de forringrant peoples, and all de oder folks, grow wid 
de city, an' share de burden ob de tax; kase de chillens ought to share wid 
de fadders, and de forringranters wid de peoples ; an' den, what would be 
a dollar for lue'ims, would be but a bit or a levy, for '<?;« all. 

Now, Bredren, dar am forty million peoples in dis country, an' de 
Monroe doctrine say de Canadian am a comin' in, an' dem ar Haytiens, an' de 
Cubans, an' de West Indiesers, an' de San Domingoans dey got deir toe 
in and part of the foot and legs aready, an' de Alaskers, and, O Lord ! 
when dem are all fotched up togedder, an' all stay from de teatre for jis' 
one night, an' send dat ar twenty-five cents dcy would spend for de fun ob 
de ting, to make de Capitol right, den dar will be no more trouble. Kase 
twenty-five cents each, for forty million peoples, will be ten millions ob dol- 
lars, an' den all dose udder Monroe peoples a comin' in, wid all de furrin- 
granters, in twenty years ye sees dc big debt for de Territory, wont be jis' 
nothin'. 

O gor-a-mighty ! but Masser Shepard hab got long eyes, to see so fur ; 
I'll be dog-goned ef he haint. But when I come agin I'll tell ye all about it. 



(FROM THE NEW YORK SUN.) 

THE PRESIDENCY 



OFFICE-HOLDERS' CANDIDATE. 



For President, 
THE PRESENT-TAKER. 



The Hon. Cassius M. Clay to General Williajn Larimer on 
the Political Situation.— Horace Greeley the Right Man 
for President. 

Dear Sir : Your letter of the 22d of July, ult., asking my views of the 
political situation is received. 

I think it is a good feature in the British Constitution that Cabinet Min- 
isters take a place in the legislative bodies, and defend their measures and 
policy : a vote of no confidence changes the Cabinet, and the will of a nation 
is carried out at once. It is a great misfortune that a headstrong President 
may keep the nation in a wrong policy for four years. Another great gain 
would be that patriotic criticism of the Cabinet poHcy would not necessarily 
be construed as inimical to the President or the party in power— but a change 
in the Cabinet would merely put in new men of the same party— or moder- 
ate men in part of the other party— all of which would inure to the public 
weal and soften the force of faction, which in all ages has been one cause of 
the ruin of nationsi 

The Confederate States profited by our fatal experience, and made a 
E 



34 THE PRESIDENCY. 

single Presidential term the constitutional law. Our Constitution should be 
changed, making the Presidential term six years, and the President ineligi- 
ble. This would give the President sufficient time to mature and carry out 
any policy and take away the motive for abuse of power, and for the general 
corruption which comes of canvassing for re-election. This seems to be the 
greatest present evil in our system ; and as we cannot at once engraft the 
change in the Constitution, I am for rigidly enforcing the policy by elect- 
ing no President for a second term. 

Another great evil, which has been common to most nations, and ruin- 
ous to nearly all, is the putting military men into civil oi^ces. Neither you 
nor 1 can make a shoe without a long service at the trade ; but statesmanship 
is more dificult than shoemaking. And military men are taken up, not only 
without any experience in politics, but necessarily with qualities and educa- 
tion adverse to all true statesmanship. It would be just as wise, on the day 
of battle, to put civilians at the head of the armies to the exclusion of military 
leaders, as to put military men into civil places. 

The rewards and honors of each profession belong to that profession 
«»nly. There is no more reason for rewarding for patriotic services of a great 
general with the Presidency, or any other civil office, than there is the re- 
warding a great preacher, doctor, or astronomer. The whole idea is a relic 
of the barbarous ages, and a blind devotion to brute force, unworthy of our 
times. Let the " military ring" retire into the sphere where they can be 
useful, and let statesmen undertake to do the statesmanship of the Republic. 

Another evil which requires prompt action is a permanent civil service 
and increased salaries. 

If the civil sen-ice, except in the higher political offices, was made per- 
manent — the tenure being during good behavior — we should not only have 
more efficiency in the public service, but we would reduce the patronage of 
the Government, that source of corruption which follows frequent elections, 
and lessen office-seeking, which are the causes of alarm to all thoughtful 
lovers of self-government. 

Our salaries are now, when we are near forty millions of people, about 
the same as when we were three millions. The true standard of salaries is 
to give such pay as the same talents would insure in ordinary business. We 
are in answer told that there are plenty of men who will take the offices and 
salaries as they are. But what sort of men are they ? Certainly not the best 
men : and the best men and the highest character in the nation should rule 
the nation. The result of this system is that men of the first ability are 
driven from poUtical life ; or, becoming politicians, they form those corrupt 



THE PRESIDENCY. 35 

rings to increase their income by illegitimate legislation, which threatens the 
existence of all property and the overthrow of republicanism itself. 

The great issue of slavery being settled by constitutional law, and the 
dread arbitrament of arms, and the great mass of the Democratic party hav- 
ing acquiesced in the logic of events, it only remains to reduce the late insur- 
gent and the repressive Union forces into peaceful cooperation. The great- 
est statesman of the revolutionary times of France, Mirabeau, said, "The 
cooperation of aU the wills is necessary to reconstruction. 

And who is better able to effect this than our distinguished friend Horace 
Greeley? who has shown his statemanship in avowing long since " universal 
amnesty and impartial suffrage." 

"The South" contains more than a third of our population. Aside 
from Alaska, she owns the larger portion of the lands of the Republic ; she 
has the better climate and soil, and the world-wide used products — cotton, 
sugar, rice, and tobacco ; she has as fine a race of men as exists. I appeal 
to the calm judgment of all Americans, can we afford to make an Ireland, a 
Poland, or a Hungary of these people? A southern man standing by the 
blacks, as I Lave done ail my life, I say, for their sakes as well as my own, 
give us a candidate of our party, like Horace Greeley, who comes to us with 
the olive branch, rather than him who, refusing amnesty, bares the sword 
for the eternal subjection of a Saxon people .'' 

The large experience, eminent ability, and unselfish patriotism of Horace 
Greeley, no man dare deny. It is objected only that he has not always been 
a safe leader in politics or social questions. A man who never changes his 
opinion is either a fool or wiser than all other men. If Horace Greeley has 
erred, it has been on the side of philanthropy and progress. He has never 
committed more mistakes than others who assume to be his equals. His 
honcisty and frankness have only made his opinions better known to the 
world. After a long life of close observation of public men, I say freely that I 
know of no man who has been more generally right, or who has done more 
for the world in his day, than Horace Greeley. The American people owe 
him a debt of gratitude which can never be paid. If he shall be nominated 
as the candidate of the Republican party for President in 1872, he will be 
triumphantly elected. The North will secuie her highest interests, and the 
South will be content. We shall "have peace." 
Your obedient servant. 



C. M. CLAY. 



Gen. Wm. Larimer, Leavensworth, Kansas. 
New York, August 2, 1871. 



36 THE PRESIDENCY. 

Par. I. — " I think it is a good feature in the British constitution &c " 

Well, if Grant thinks so too, what then ? Has he the power to make the 
change? Remember the line that governs his whole conduct, " when the 
people speak they must be obeyed." 

Par. II. — "'The confederate states profited by our fatal experience, and 
made a single presidential term the constitutional law * *" 

From whom but unwise statesmen did this fatal experience originate? 
Not Grant, for the principal part of his early life was spent in acquiring that 
military knowledge which has since enabled him to achieve that which, in a 
military capacity, no other general who preceded him could do, thus adjust- 
mgthe quarrels that statesmen, who now slander him in their ignorance or 
over-zeal, had created. 

Par. III. — " Another great evil which has been common to most nations 
and ruinous to nearly all, is the putting of military men into civil service." 
* * What ruinous act, as a statesman, has Washington, Jackson, Taylor 
or Grant, done? On the contrary, had either of the above military men been 
in the place of Buchanan, our civil war never would have assumed such vast 
proportions; and had Grant obeyed Lincoln's injunction b y taking an oppo- 
site course from that which he did take when beseiging V icksburg, the star 
of his glory would have been extinguished, and this country would have 
been deprived of his services, both as military and civil leader, when God 
alone knows what the consequences would have been. 

Par. IV. — "Rewards and honors of each profession, belong to that 
profession only." 

This logic should unfit and deprive Horace Greeley of other rewards 
and honors, save that of editor, and "what he knows about farming." 

Part IV. Continued -.—"The whole idea of honors for ge neral merit, 
is a relic of the barbarous ages, and a blind devotion to brute force, unworthy 
of our times." 

What! was the rejoicing of the nation over Grant's victories, only a 
tribute to brute force, or is the recognition of military science a rehc of bar- 
barism ? Has the establishing and sustaining of West Point been a mistake? 
On the contrary, had it not been for the West Point military men, rising to 
the surface over political generals appointed by statesmen, the country would 
have remained dissevered to this day. 

Par- IV. Continued: — "Let the military ring retire into a sphere 
where they can be useful, and let statesmen underUke to do the statesman- 
ship ot the Republic." 



THE PRESIDENCY. 37 

"Let the military ring retire into a sphere where they would be useful !" 
Where is that ? Where would the gentleman place them ? Were they in 
that "useful sphere" while the statesmen were hatching up the late war, and 
while the statesmen, as generals, were trying to quell the disturbance, or put 
it down with similar success to Horace Greeley's farming ? Do we want the 
same statesmen now to perform a similar work ? Contrast the statesmen who 
were generals in the war, with Grant as a statesman in time of peace. To 
whom do the honors of the country justly belong ? Through unwise states- 
manship, the peace and harmony, the blood and treasure of the country 
have been used as though they were of no consequence. Through Grant's 
science (not brute force,) peace has been established, the rivers of blood and 
of tears have been stayed, rejoicing succeeded mourning in our households, 
and through his statesmanship, confidence and respect have been attained 
abroad, and prosperity secured at home. What a compliment to the soldiers 
of our army, who left their homes to fight the battles of the country, to 
have their services, at this late day, compared to brute force by designing 
men for their own aggrandizement. 

Par. V. — "Another evil which requires prompt action is, a permanent 
civil service, and increased salaries. " 

What power has Grant to institute or make these changes. His busi- 
ness is to execute, not make laws, but if the people want it, let them speak; 
his motto is " They shall be obeyed." 

Par. VI. — "If the civil service &c," the same answer as the above will 
apply. 

Par. VII. — "Our salaries &c. * * * But what sort of men are 
they ? certainly not the best men * * and the best men, and highest 
characters in the nation, should rule the nation. The result of this system 
is, inat men of the first ability are driven from political life, or, becoming 
politicians they form those corrupt rings to increase their income by illegiti- 
mate legislation, which threatens the existence of all property and the over- 
throw ot Repubiicanism itseif. " 

Great God ! are the men in Office ^//bad, and are the good men and the 
best men, and highest characters in the nation, to be driven from political life 
because of this susceptibility of becoming corrupt, and of forming themselves 
into rings, threatening the existence of property and Republicanism itself? 
Pray, from what source are we to find those pure statesmen who are capable 
of sustaining the Republic, independent of all other professions, but es- 
pecially of military men. Better sacrifice the Republic at once, erect a 
throne, create a hereditary aristocracy and establish the woolsack. Horace 



38 THE PRESIDENCY. 

no doubt would ornament the throne, and if this will not satisfy Cassius M. 
Clay, let him import the British constitution, and with it, men to work the 
whole machinery, as, according to his idea, there is no one su£&cientiy trust- 
worthy in this country. 

Par. VII. Continued: — "The great issue of slavery being settled by 
constitutional law and the dread arbitrament of arms. " 

Had he said the great issue of slavery having been settled as a military 
necessity by the dread arbitrament of arms, and now fully sanctioned by 
constitutional law in the New Departure, it would be only putting the shoe 
upon the right foot, as the settlement was made by the army, the states- 
men deserving the credit only of creating the disturbance. 

Par. VII. Continued. The greatest statesman of the Revolutionary 
times of France, Mirabeau said : " The cooperation of all the will, is neces- 
sary to reconstruction." 

Mirabeau is not good authority on those matters. Had his states- 
manship been equal to his power of creating beautiful expressions in 
language, France would hive profited more by his services. The Emperor 
William, of Prussia, with his aid, Bismark, who combines the qualities of 
statesmanship with military science, have done more in reconstruction, with- 
out the cooperation of all the wills of the nation, than ten thousand Mira- 
beaus were capable of doing. 

Par. VIII. "And who is better able to affect this than our distin- 
guished friend Horace Greeley, who has shown his statesmanship long 
since, in avowing universal amnesty and impartial suffrage. 

None ; An excellent precedent he set, by his unsuccessful arrangement, 
at Niagara Falls. What were his intentions then, pray . How would he, 
the great statesman, have compromised the matter. None yet have fully 
learned. 

Par. IX. "The South &c. Can we afford to make an Ireland a Poland 
or a Hungary of these people?" 

There is no comparison between the countries, of Ireland, Poland and 
Hungary, and this country, with its civil struggle. The former were re- 
sults of war between nations ; and their grievances would better compare 
with the native resident dissatisfied Mexican Texans at the present 
time, than with the southern people. 

But why should the Southern people prefer Greeley to Grant, or any 
other man of his stamp in politics, since Greeley was prominent in agita- 
ting the question of slavery, until it brought about a fratricidal war; whether 
for good or evil to the nation, it has deprived the Southern people ol their 



THE PRESIDENCY. 39 

property and slaves, and saddled the country with a national debt, which 
the southern man, with the loss of his property, has been made heir to his 
portion of the burthen of heavy taxation. 

As a statesman and philanthropist, he had a precedent in Briton, abol- 
ishing slavery without bloodshed or strife. But what had Grant to do with 
all this ; and what act of Greeley or any other man toward the South was 
more liberal, than that of Grant to Gen'l Lee. When, still amid the smoke 
and confusion of battle, the deafening roar of resounding cannon, the pitiful 
groans of wounded soldiers, the daring Custer still hemming them in. Grant 
in the magnanimity of his nature and dignity of his profession, under the 
tree at Appomattox, handed back to the noble and gallant warrior, Gen- 
eral Lee, his sword, with these kindly and sympathetic, words," Take it 
General, there is no man more worthy to wear it than you are. " Words 
that should endear Grant to every southern heart. 

Had the southern people exercised the same discretion as General Lee 
did, and advised them to do, and had Andy Johnson with his political and 
personal opponents, used similar judgment, Grant would not be under the 
necessity of executing laws, which the extremists on both sides, through their 
antagonism to each other, have caused to be made and applied to the south. 

Par. IX. Continued: "Give us a candidate of your party like Horace 
Greeley, who comes to us with the olive branch, rather than him who refuses 
amnesty, bares the sword for the eternal subjection of a Saxon people." 

Horace Greeley with the olive branch, reminds us of the ancient saying, 
"Cut my head and then give me a plaster." 

Has Grant the power to give amnesty? Did not Andy Johnson issue a 
proclamation of amnesty? Did the Statesmen sustain his act? Would they 
do so, were Grant thus disposed? 

"Bares the sword, for the eternal subjection of a Saxon people." 

What portion of the American people is this assertion calculated to 
deceive. Does the application of the most stringent laws affect the law-abi- 
ding citizen ? No more than the rod or whip, when in its proper resting 
place, does the dutiful, obedient, well-disposed child. 

Par. X. " The large experience, eminent ability and unselfish patriot- 
ism of Horace Greeley, no man dare deny." 

What has he accomplished with the powerful lever that he has had? 
Statesmen of the Senate lately had a touch of the lash, where he endeavor- 
ed to make the dignity of the country subservient to the press, as in the 
case of the two correspondents who refused to answer the reasonable ques- 



40 THE PRESIDENCY. 

tions put to them before the United States Senate, whose sole object in 
doing so was to sustain the dignity of the people. There are thousands ot 
men in this country, who, had they the advantages that he has had through 
his caUing, would have accomplished far more for himself, and for the nation. 

Par. X. Continued : "It is objected only, that he has not always been 
a safe leader in politics, or social questions." 

How does he compare with Grant? Grant is firm, reasonable, and pro- 
gressive, without vascillation. A good husband, 2. just parent, sound in the- 
ology, as safe from free-love-ism, and the divorce law, as though neither ever 
had an existence. Always successful in any business or profession com- 
mensurate with his great ability. 

"If "Horace Greeley has erred &c." 

We think that Mr. Clay concedes enough of weakness in this para- 
graph, to unfit Horace Greeley for the office of President, the highest gift 
of the American people. 

Par. XL "After a long life of close observation, of public men, I say 
freely, that I know no man, who has done more generally right, or who has 
done more in his day, than Horace Greely." 

It is possible that Mr. Clay is as much mistaken in his estimate 
of Horace Greeley, as we have shown him to be in his opinion of the merits 
of Mirabeau, the French Statesman ? 

Par. XL Continued. " The American people, owe him a debt of grati- 
itude which can never be paid." 

For what ? His greatest efforts, as a statesman, helped to produce the 
late civil struggle, and the national debt. His " Busy Life" may be produc- 
ductive of some good. What he knows about farming, is not much, 

Frothingham's prayer at the marriage of Mrs. Mc Farland with Rich- 
ardson, and Horace Greely's faith in these two, will not soon be forgotten. 
Does Cassius M. Clay add this to the people's indebtedness, or is Mr. 
Greeley to get his reward for, this special act, in the other world ? 

Is Mr, Greely to be rewarded with the presidency for his goodness in 
the aggregate ? or, in accordance with Mr. Clay's doctrine, that every profes- 
sion is to be rewarded within itself? Is it then as a farmer, an author, 
an editor, a philanthropist, or for his liberal views of social life ? Is it for 
the latter, the debt, of gratitude has accrued that can never be paid ? 

Par. XII. — "If he shall be nominated as the candidate of the Republican 
party as President in 1872, he will be triumphantly elected." 



THE PRESIDENCY. 4I 

This would certainly be a surprise to him as to every one else, as he has 
been lately nominated to several minor offices, and in every case was defeated. 
Is Mr. Clay trifling with him too? 

We sum up all by sayiug that no man is more willing to coincide with 
the wishes and will of the people, and promote their highest interests, than 
President Grant. We have yet to learn where any law-abiding citizen has 
had his riglits infringed by any act of authority by Grant. 

The great statesman Sumner, had he been President, would have settled 
the Alabama claims as he did slavery; by squandering blood and treasure ; 
while instead, the warrior President, not by brute force, but by true states- 
manship, settled amicably that which Sumner could have done in no other 
way except by war, and be consistent with his report or speech, made as 
chairman of the committee on foreign relations. 

Is it not necessary, as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, that 
the President of the United States, should thoroughly understand military 
science? notwithstanding Mr. Clay's views of the "education and qualities 
of a inilitary man, which he deems so adverse to all true Statesmanship. " 

Is a college education, such as the military at West Point, and the 
Navy, at Annapolis receive, an injury as a foundation for statemanship ? 
Our opinion of the Army and Navy of the United States differs vastly with 
that of Mr. Clay, and we have had a good deal of intercourse with both bran- 
ches of our national defence. We believe the honor of the country is cen- 
tered in tlie Army and Navy ; and whatever may be the parentage of the 
Students of these institutions, their education inculcates a sense of honor 
and integrity wlaich they retain through life, in a civil, as well as in a mili- 
tary, capacity. 

Wc are sure no person could successfully controvert the assertion that 
there is more honor and ability, in connectioa with both branches of 
the service, thaa there is with the management of any other department of 
the government, not excepting that presided over by statesmen.. 

The military department of the government is very extensive, and intri- 
cate in its workings, and as far as fraud and peculation are concerned, would 
compare favorably with that of any other branch.. This is owing to their 
thorough knowledge of the law, as it applies to their own particular depart- 
ment or branch of the government, and the rudiments of which, by their 
untiring application, have been instilled into their minds in their military 
education.. It would be well, were there similar training for statesmen be- 
fore entering on their career, evea were it compulsory, and at the expense of 

F 



42 THE PRESIDENCY. 

the government There would be economy in it in the end, as it would par- 
tially do away with fraud, and add to the honor and dignity of the country. 

What a conglomeration of ideas has Cassius M. Clay advanced. He 
says the education of the military is adverse or detrimental to the statesman ; 
and that statesmen alone are to "rule the Republic; "and military men to 
retire to their own sphere ; that statesmen require a life-long apprenticeship ; 
the officers of the civil service also ; their term to continue through life, or 
during good behavior. 

And yet the statesman who becomes president, through virtue of his 
office also becomes commander-in-chief of the army and navy. Are we to 
understand Mr. Clay, that in such position a military education is detrimen- 
tal? 

It seems impossible to understand him except in this way ; that ignor- 
ence is the best qualification for a President ; for while he thinks a long ap- 
prenticeship necessary for both the statesman and civil service, comparing it 
to the shoe-making business, (European of course, from whence he draws 
all his models, ) he finds that which adapts the statesman unfits the Presi- 
dent, for after one term having acquired some knowledge, he is thereby 
unfitted for further service ; like unto a term in the shoe-making business, 
when the apprentice is considered competent to cobble, he should cease 
learning, as further knowledge would incapacitate him ; in accordance with 
Mr. Clay's ideas. 

The military department is as important as that of any other part of 
the government, and by what means he is to deprive it of its privileges 
we have yet to learn. He must think that a man deprived of a member 
of his body is improved by the disconnection; or is he going to manage the 
government on the same principal that shoe-making is done in this country, 
every part a branch in itself; Cassias as prime minister to collect the pieces ; 
and Horace as King to put them together ; the military department not 
included. 

This whole letter must be a blind for the people, and a trick upon them 
worthy of Tammany. General Larimer, Horace Greely, and Charles A. 
Dana, who must have approved of the letter before publishing, cannot be 
so ignorent of the true interests of the country as to sincerely make such 
statements and require such changes. The trust the people have placed in 
the hands of Grant he holds only as theirs, with no other intention than 
that, when they speak they shall be obeyed. 



KING HORACE. 




Greeley upon the Throne. — Clay as Prime Minister. — Sumner 
Secretary of War. — ScJiiirz Minister to Hayti. 

Clay. — " Your Majesty, you scarcely thought at the time of my famous 
letter denouncing Grant and the one term policy, the change in the civil 
service, and calling on you as the nominee for the Presidency, that it would 
culminate, as it has, in making you a Monarch. — I foresaw that these chang- 
es could terminate in no other way but did not expect it so soon." 

King Horace. — "Well, well, I'm tired of hearing of this. Have I 
not rewarded you for it by giving you the highest position ?" 

Clay. — Your Majesty will pardon me. I still feel clinging to me the 
debris of Republicanism. (Aside :— "Curse the old fool, see what I have 
done.") " Most supreme, all potent majesty, I beseech that the case of 
Sumner and Schurz be considered immediately lest by delay, they be driven 
into opposition and commence plotting again. Sumner with his oHgarchy 
and hierarchy, and kuklux; and Schurii, )our awful majesty is aware, cannot 
rest without kindling the flame of Revolution wherever he is." 

King Horace. — Those matters I have disposed of. I have handed the 
portfolio to Sumner as Secretary of War, and Schurz I have appointed as 



44 KING HORACE. 

Minister to Hayti. From the feeling they have toward us since the annex- 
ation of San Domingo, the time that Schurz would be plotting will then be 
required to preserve his own personal safety. 

Clay retires in great indignation, saying to himself: "He sways the 
sceptre with more power than he does the plough. Better we had left him 
with his ducks and his chickens, his cows and his hogs." 

Sumner. — Your Majesty, I thank you for the high trust you have placed 
in my hands ; a position I have long sought. I can now, with your Majesty's 
approval, wrest British America Irom England in lieu of the Alabama claims, 
notwithstanding the arrangement of the High Commission to the contrary. 
The country requires it — blood-letting and excitement is the health of 
the nation. 

King Horace. — You will not trouble yourself with any suggestions — as 
the business of the War Department henceforth is more to economize and 
account for the expenditure connected therewith, than that of war. 

Sumner retires muttering: *' Better have Grant notwithstanding all 
that I have said to the contrary. " 

Schurz approaches and addresses the throne, " Mr. Greeley: " 

King Horace angry and red as a turkey cock, says: — "Mr. Schurz, 
are you my subject ? " 

Mr. Schurz. — Oh I ask pardon ! your most potent majesty! I have not 
yet become accustomed to titles in this country. I had many suggestions 
to make but I refrain ; not understanding why I am, as it were, banished to 
Hayti. I had thought my efiforts in your behalf would have secured me a 
very prominent position. (Aside : — in a vindictive tone he mutters between 
closed teeth.) "It seems the fates are against me — but my experience in 
intriguing shall not be lost — I shall yet be the instrument that will change 
the constitution so that the naturalized citizen can be the monarch to rule 

the nation, and then in the meantime your crown will not sit easy upon 

your brow. 

King Horace waves him away and with a chuckling laugh as he over- 
hears the last remark, adds: — "Yes, yes, ha ! ha ! ha ! Mr. Schurz you'll 
find something else to do besides plotting ; I have anticipated you. The 
cards are turned ! — The San Domingoians will be crossing the Haytien line 
with the Monroe Doctrine indelibly impressed on them, and seek personal 
satisfaction from you for your insults in connection with Sumner, at and be- 
fore the time of the annexation. Your appointment was made with a view 
to a permanancy of my throne. Ha ! ha I ha ! It takes a thief to catch a 
thief. • 



THE GREAT SPEECH OF SENATOR SCHURZ. 

"The cousins and brothers-in-law of the President may, as officers, be 
no wors^ than others; but when he puts them to the pubUc crib, the Chief 
of the State teaches his subordinates by his example, which is everywhere 
visible, that in his opinion a public office may be used for selfish ends, to 
make out of it what can be made. And who will wonder when these subor- 
dinates also make out of their offices all that can be made ? When the 
Chief of the State takes presents, and then puts the donors into high offices 
and dignities, the men so appointed may be very worthy men, and the 
presents may have had nothing to do with their appointments ; but the 
Chief of the State has shown his subordinates that in his opinion an 
officer may take presents, and then grant his official favors to the don- 
ors in an official way ; and who will then wonder when the subordi- 
nates, following the high example, also take presents, and give their 
official favors to the donors? Gentlemen, these are not trifles, which 
show that from the highest position, where a model should be exhibited 
for imitation, that influence proceeds which undermines all fine feeling 
of official honor. Had Washington, instead of furnishing so bright 
an example of noble disinterestedness, given on his part the example 
of greedy nepotism, he would by this exhibition for all future time have 
poisoned the character of the public services. That in our days this poi- 
son descends in such streams from the highest place, is certainly a ?nisfor- 
t\ine ; but it is a greater misfortune that party spirit covers such acts, which 
ujtdermine official honor in the whole republic, under the mantle of respecta- 
bility." 

ON SCHURZ. 

It ill becomes an exile or fugitive from another country, to make so 
much noise in this, which has become an asylum to him. 

We think any extreme effort of the fugitive Senator Schurz, at least in^ 
this country, premature, if not needless. Our nation with outspreading arms, 
open to the refugee of every country, receives many unworthy ones ; that is, 



46 ON SCHURZ. 

restless-ne'r-do-well's, who are never satisfied with themselves, nor any one 
else ; who, when possessed of some considerable ability, fancy they have a 
mission to perform, or at least make it appear so, in order to cover their du- 
plicity in creating what they call a revolution, by which they, being the ac- 
knowledged leaders, are in a position to handle the spoils, mostly secure 
from danger. Schurz failing to accomplish this successfully in his own 
country, is now attempting agitation here. Did he adopt this country from 
choice, or necessity ? What services did he render Germany that would give 
him any claim upon the gratitude of the people, as Grant has done in this 
country ? Was he not trying to destroy in his own country, what Grant has 
endeavored to restore in this ? From whom did Grant receive presents, as 
President, and repay with positions afterward ? Schurz perverts the truth, 
and docs so with the intention of blind-folding his own party, especially his 
own countrymen, practically telling them that they are too ignorant to de- 
tect him, in his political manoeuvre. He knows as well as we do that the 
presents he speaks of were given by Stewart of New York, and others, as a 
tribute of gratitude for having saved their lives and property, and securing 
peace to the country ; and that too when he was but General, and some two 
or three years before his nomination as President was mentioned. Besides, 
not one of the parties who contributed to the $ioo coo and upward then 
given, were in a position to accept of any office, longer than that of receiv- 
ing its honors, as in the case of Stewart. 

It ill becomes a Senator, who attempted so much and accomplished 
so little in his own country, to so soon set himself to working up the preju- 
dices and passions ot the people here, against a man who, without seeking, 
was presented with souvenirs of gratitude, not only from individuals, but 
from cities and corporations, as the savior of the country, and with them, the 
highest gift a grateful people could bestow. 

As the nationality of Schurz prevents him from becoming President 
himself, his next best effort is to be President-maker, hence his conspiracy 
with Sumner, in charging the President with being head of the Ku Klux. 
There is about as much truth in the charges made against him in the way 
of receiving and paying for presents, as there is in that of his being the lead- 
er of the Ku Klux. He must have a good record, when these are the only 
accusations they can bring against him, which every well-informed person 
knows are groundless. 

Great orators must have matter from which to create speeches, and 
when real material is not to be found, they will sometimes adopt fiction. 
One of Grant's long speeches wiU best describe this, when he met the 



ON SCHURZ. 47 

Union League at Philadelphia, shortly after his election, wherein he said : 
"I think it a great misfortune that the Statesmen of this country have so 
much to say, and if there is any thing in which I have set a good example, 
it is in short speeches." 

" Brevity is the soul of wit;" and we think the poet might add, it is a 
test of wisdom ; for instance, take away the windy and surplus matter of the 
speeches of Senator Schurz, and what is left. 

Again, compare Grant's reports, when in active service, with those 
of any of the generals who preceded him, and you will find them brief and 
to the point; such as, " I'll fight it out on this line if it takes all summer;" 
and again, relative to the principles of true government and progression ; 
" Let the people speak, and they shall be obeyed." Besides, he can put as 
much matter in as small a compass, in impromptu composition, and without 
interlineation, as any other man, not excepting literary characters, and we 
have seen not a few of them at their tasks. 

Who amongst the forty millions of American citizens, that but a few 
years ago saw him rise, by the Providence of God, to be leader, now speak 
disparagingly of him ? Those only who envy him his position, or are disap- 
pointed as statesmen in not having their self-sufficient wisdom more 
prominently acknowledged, besides those who are entirely disappointed 
in receiving the reward of office, which, in their overweening conceit, they 
feel that they have merited. Hence the efforts of Schurz for Sumner's 
supremacy, that he may become Secretary of State. 

Surely the man who has risen to the surface through such competition, 
with the immense ability to re-organize and inspire the demoralized and 
dispirited armies of the United States, and lead them to victory, must now 
be much more capable of governing a second term than even the first, es- 
pecially after having had sufficient time, with such a mind, to become 
thoroughly acquainted with all the principles and arts of diplomacy, through 
his association with the representatives of all countries as General, Secretary 
of War and President,— a school in which few men, if any now living, have 
had equal advantages. 

If " knowledge is power " let us have the benefit of it. 

There would be as much sense in rejecting Grant for the next term as 
President, and substituting either Sumner, Greeley, or Chase, as there was 
in the children of Israel rejecting Jehovah who was their leader in the pillar 
of fire by night and cloud by day, and substituting SauL 



JTJ3T IPTJBLISHIjBr), 

DUNBAR ON THE HORSE. 

By ALEXANDER DUNBAR, 

Who cured Dexter and Old Hambletonian of their lameness, and who in- 
structed the Officers and Farriers of the Cavalry and Artillery branches of 
the Army, by contract, authorized by Act of Congress, and who taught 
Bonner what he knows about the horse's foot, or to use his own words, 
"nine-tenths of all I know, /. e., of what is practically us Jul." 

EXTRACTS FROM CONTENTS. 

How I obtained a knowledge of my system. 

The evils of Horse-Shoeing, or the difficulties of the Blacksmith. 

Objections to the Rolling Motion Shoe. 

Dunbar vs. Frank Forrester. 

Letter of Hon. R. Stockett Matthews. 

Letter from Lieutenant-General Grant. 

Dunbar 7js. G. W. B., a noted Veterinary Surgeon, of Cincinnati. 

Dunbar in the President's stable. 

Letter of Quartermaster-General Meigs. 

Letter of Major-General Custer, on the growth of the hoof. 

Dunbar on the origin of color. 

Dunbar's Vision Theory confirmed by Dr. Harvey, of Chester, Pa. 

Letter from Sir Frederick A. Bruce, to the Right Honorable, the Earl of 

Longford, K. C. B. 
Letter from L. Jewett, endorsing the Dunbar System. 
Letter from J. B. Coleman, Member of the Royal College of Veterinary 

Surgeons, England. 
Impediments to Progress, &c., &c., 

H]^&DQS©l\liLY IJLLHSTB^TiO). 

PRICE, $5.00. 

Mailed on receipt of Price, by 

ADDRESSING 

JAMES & WEBB, 

Printers and Publishers, 

WILMINGTON, DELAWASB. 



iliii 

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SUX'JPX.IJEID E-Z" 



The American News Compan 

110 and 121 J\ASSAU STRBET, 

NEW YORK. 



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